Patriotism:
Patriotism is love and loyalty towards one’s country or homeland.
It involves a sense of pride, and to the values, culture, history, and achievements.
Patriotism can coexist with an and .
It often emphasizes a sense of unity among fellow citizens and a willingness to contribute positively to the country’s well-being.
Patriotism is generally seen as a positive sentiment that encourages civic engagement and service to the nation.
Nationalism:
Nationalism is an ideology that prioritizes the interests, rights, and aspirations of a particular nation or ethnic group.
It places a strong emphasis on the nation as a central identity and seeks to protect and promote its culture, language, heritage, and sovereignty.
Nationalism can sometimes lead to exclusionary attitudes, conflicts between nations, or disregard for the rights and interests of other groups.
Extreme forms of nationalism can be associated with aggression, xenophobia, or a belief in the superiority or exceptionalism of one’s own nation.
Nationalism can be positive when it fosters a sense of self-determination and cultural preservation without promoting harm or hostility towards others.
For example, Hochschild continued:
when I asked a Pikeville, Ky., businessman why he thought the Democratic Party had become “unhinged,” Henry, as I’ll call him here, studied his cellphone, then held it for me to see a video of two transgender activists standing on the White House lawn in Pride week. One was laughingly shaking her naked prosthetic breasts, the other bare-chested, showing scars where breasts had been cut away. The clip then moved to President Biden saying, “These are the bravest people I know.”
The sense of loss is acute among many Republican voters. Geoffrey Layman, a political scientist at Notre Dame, emailed me to say:
They see the face of America changing, with white people set to become a minority of Americans in the not-too-distant future. They see church membership declining and some churches closing. They see interracial and same-sex couples in TV commercials. They support Trump because they think he is the last, best hope for bringing back the America they knew and loved.
Republican aversion to the contemporary Democratic agenda has intensified, according to two sociologists, Rachel Wetts of Brown and Robb Willer of Stanford.
In the abstract of their 2022 paper, “Antiracism and Its Discontents: The Prevalence and Political Influence of Opposition to Antiracism Among White Americans,” Wetts and Willer wrote:
From calls to ban critical race theory to concerns about “woke culture,” American conservatives have mobilized in opposition to antiracist claims and movements. Here, we propose that this opposition has crystallized into a distinct racial ideology among white Americans, profoundly shaping contemporary racial politics.
Wetts and Willer called this ideology “anti-antiracism” and argued that it “is prevalent among white Americans, particularly Republicans, is a powerful predictor of several policy positions and is strongly associated with — though conceptually distinct from — various measures of anti-Black prejudice.”
Sympathy with versus opposition to antiracism, they continued, “may have cohered into a distinct axis of ideological disagreement which uniquely shapes contemporary racial views that divide partisan groups.”
They proposed a three-part definition of anti-antiracism:
Opposition to antiracism involves (1) rejecting factual claims about the prevalence and severity of anti-Black racism, discrimination and racial inequality; (2) disagreeing with normative beliefs that racism, discrimination and racial inequality are important moral concerns that society and/or government should address; and (3) displaying affective reactions of frustration, anger and fatigue with these factual and normative claims as well as the activists and movements who make them.
The degree to which the partisan divide has become still more deeply ingrained was captured by three political scientists, John Sides of Vanderbilt and Chris Tausanovitch and Lynn Vavreck, both of U.C.L.A., in their 2022 book, “The Bitter End.”
Vavreck wrote by email that she and her co-authors described
the state of American politics as “calcified.” Calcification sounds like polarization, but it is more like polarization-plus. Calcification derives from an increased homogeneity within parties; an increased heterogeneity between the parties (on average, the parties are getting farther apart on policy ideas); the rise in importance of issues based on identity (like immigration, abortion or transgender policies) instead of, for example, economic issues (like tax rates and trade); and finally, the near balance in the electorate between Democrats and Republicans. The last item makes every election a high-stakes election — since the other side wants to build a world that is quite different from the one your side wants to build.
The Sides-Tausanovitch-Vavreck argument receives support in a new paper by the psychologists Adrian Lüders, Dino Carpentras and Michael Quayle of the University of Limerick in Ireland. The authors demonstrated not only how ingrained polarization has become but also how attuned voters have become to signals of partisanship and how adept they now are at using cues to determine whether a stranger is a Democrat or Republican.
The controversies around the Department of Tourism’s “Love the Philippines” promotional campaign got me thinking of another related controversy on an international scale.
I’m referring to the terms “nationalism” and “patriotism,” both generally positive terms that were even taught in schools and upheld as cherished values, but which have now taken on negative meanings.
I’ll concentrate on English but similar growing reservations about the two terms are to be found in other languages. The definitions I will be using are from American political scientist Joshua Holzer in a recent article he wrote for The Conversation.
The original meanings of the two words deal with loyalty and love. With nationalism, loyalty and love are directed to the nation, defined by Holzer as “a group of people who share a history, culture, language, religion, or some combination thereof.”
Patriotism, on the other hand, is directed toward a country or a state, defined by Holzer as an “area of land that has its own government.”
The tensions come about when you have a country composed of different nations, defined by ethnicity, language, or religion. For example, you have the Catalonians in Spain, who have been fighting for a separate state for decades. Or you have French-speaking Canadians talking about a Québécois nation
The term “white,” as with race, is a self-ascribed identity. One of the most rabid self-proclaimed white nationalists in the US, Nick Fuentes, is of Mexican descent. His white nationalism includes anti-semitism, perceiving Jews as non-white. He also proclaims himself as a Catholic integralist and Christian nationalist, opposed to non-Christians in general.
China distinguishes patriotism, which in Chinese comes out as “loving your country ideology” (aiguo zhuyi), and nationalism, which is “nationality ideology” (minzu zhuyi). The Chinese feel very threatened by nationalism from groups like the Muslim Uighur and Buddhist Tibetans, with their secessionist movements.
The Philippines’ main threat from secessionism comes from the Moro of Mindanao, who have succeeded to carve out a Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, similar to the Cordillera Administrative Region in the north.
The Philippines is a good example of a country with ambivalent feelings around nationalism. I grew up with elders warning about “makabayan” groups, particularly fearful of the Kabataang Makabayan (KM), translated as Nationalist Youth. In Filipino, “makabayan” is used for both nationalism and patriotism. KM members saw themselves as loving the Philippines. Conservatives saw KM as being mainly anti-American, and well into the end of the 20th century, there were still many Filipinos who could not understand why anyone could not love Mother America.
As for being makabayan in the sense of patriotism, a love for the Philippines, we remain hobbled by our regional identity (e.G., being Ilokano, Kapamapangan, or other ethnicities) far more powerful and binding than being Filipino.
Filipinos also find themselves increasingly challenged in their loyalties because of our diaspora, being dispersed throughout the world and settling down. With the Philippines allowing dual citizenship, you will find many Filipinos who are nationalistic in the sense of still loving the Philippines because of their origins, while patriotically singing “The Star-Spangled Banner” for the United States or “God Save the King” (until last year, “God Save the Queen”) for the United Kingdom.
I feel what’s important is that we learn to build our nationalism and patriotism without ending up discriminating or even hating people different from ourselves in terms of nations and countries. The world has suffered enough from jingoism (extreme nationalism) and chauvinism (extreme patriotism) mixed with racism and xenophobia (fear of foreigners).
The Philippines is a relatively young country, encumbered by long periods of colonialism. It will take time to build a sense of Filipino, especially when complicated by our other loyalties around ethnicities, languages, and religion.
Might we build our patriotism around that of “home,” defined by the cliché, the home being where the heart is?
mtan@inquirer.Com.Ph
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Patriotism:
Patriotism is love and loyalty towards one’s country or homeland.
It involves a sense of attachment, pride, and devotion to the nation’s values, culture, history, and achievements.
Patriotism can coexist with an appreciation for diversity and global cooperation.
It often emphasizes a sense of unity among fellow citizens and a willingness to contribute positively to the country’s well-being.
Patriotism is generally seen as a positive sentiment that encourages civic engagement and service to the nation.
Nationalism:
Nationalism is an ideology that prioritizes the interests, rights, and aspirations of a particular nation or ethnic group.
It places a strong emphasis on the nation as a central identity and seeks to protect and promote its culture, language, heritage, and sovereignty.
Nationalism can sometimes lead to exclusionary attitudes, conflicts between nations, or disregard for the rights and interests of other groups.
Extreme forms of nationalism can be associated with aggression, xenophobia, or a belief in the superiority or exceptionalism of one’s own nation.
Nationalism can be positive when it fosters a sense of self-determination and cultural preservation without promoting harm or hostility towards others.
For example, Hochschild continued:
when I asked a Pikeville, Ky., businessman why he thought the Democratic Party had become “unhinged,” Henry, as I’ll call him here, studied his cellphone, then held it for me to see a video of two transgender activists standing on the White House lawn in Pride week. One was laughingly shaking her naked prosthetic breasts, the other bare-chested, showing scars where breasts had been cut away. The clip then moved to President Biden saying, “These are the bravest people I know.”
The sense of loss is acute among many Republican voters. Geoffrey Layman, a political scientist at Notre Dame, emailed me to say:
Republican aversion to the contemporary Democratic agenda has intensified, according to two sociologists, Rachel Wetts of Brown and Robb Willer of Stanford.
In the abstract of their 2022 paper, “Antiracism and Its Discontents: The Prevalence and Political Influence of Opposition to Antiracism Among White Americans,” Wetts and Willer wrote:
From calls to ban critical race theory to concerns about “woke culture,” American conservatives have mobilized in opposition to antiracist claims and movements. Here, we propose that this opposition has crystallized into a distinct racial ideology among white Americans, profoundly shaping contemporary racial politics.
Wetts and Willer called this ideology “anti-antiracism” and argued that it “is prevalent among white Americans, particularly Republicans, is a powerful predictor of several policy positions and is strongly associated with — though conceptually distinct from — various measures of anti-Black prejudice.”
Sympathy with versus opposition to antiracism, they continued, “may have cohered into a distinct axis of ideological disagreement which uniquely shapes contemporary racial views that divide partisan groups.”
They proposed a three-part definition of anti-antiracism:
Opposition to antiracism involves (1) rejecting factual claims about the prevalence and severity of anti-Black racism, discrimination and racial inequality; (2) disagreeing with normative beliefs that racism, discrimination and racial inequality are important moral concerns that society and/or government should address; and (3) displaying affective reactions of frustration, anger and fatigue with these factual and normative claims as well as the activists and movements who make them.
The degree to which the partisan divide has become still more deeply ingrained was captured by three political scientists, John Sides of Vanderbilt and Chris Tausanovitch and Lynn Vavreck, both of U.C.L.A., in their 2022 book, “The Bitter End.”
Vavreck wrote by email that she and her co-authors described
the state of American politics as “calcified.” Calcification sounds like polarization, but it is more like polarization-plus. Calcification derives from an increased homogeneity within parties; an increased heterogeneity between the parties (on average, the parties are getting farther apart on policy ideas); the rise in importance of issues based on identity (like immigration, abortion or transgender policies) instead of, for example, economic issues (like tax rates and trade); and finally, the near balance in the electorate between Democrats and Republicans.
The controversies around the Department of Tourism’s “Love the Philippines” promotional campaign got me thinking of another related controversy on an international scale.
I’m referring to the terms “nationalism” and “patriotism,” both generally positive terms that were even taught in schools and upheld as cherished values, but which have now taken on negative meanings.
I’ll concentrate on English but similar growing reservations about the two terms are to be found in other languages. The definitions I will be using are from American political scientist Joshua Holzer in a recent article he wrote for The Conversation.
The original meanings of the two words deal with loyalty and love. With nationalism, loyalty and love are directed to the nation, defined by Holzer as “a group of people who share a history, culture, language, religion, or some combination thereof.”
Patriotism, on the other hand, is directed toward a country or a state, defined by Holzer as an “area of land that has its own government.”
The tensions come about when you have a country composed of different nations, defined by ethnicity, language, or religion. For example, you have the Catalonians in Spain, who have been fighting for a separate state for decades. Or you have French-speaking Canadians talking about a Québécois nation.
The United States is currently characterized by extreme nationalism, notably white nationalism, where whites are reacting to immigrants and people of color. White nationalists are often white supremacists as well, thinking of themselves as superior to other “races.”
The term “white,” as with race, is a self-ascribed identity. One of the most rabid self-proclaimed white nationalists in the US, Nick Fuentes, is of Mexican descent. His white nationalism includes anti-semitism, perceiving Jews as non-white. He also proclaims himself as a Catholic integralist and Christian nationalist, opposed to non-Christians in general.
China distinguishes patriotism, which in Chinese comes out as “loving your country ideology” (aiguo zhuyi), and nationalism, which is “nationality ideology” (minzu zhuyi). Youth. In Filipino, “makabayan” is used for both nationalism and patriotism. KM members saw themselves as loving the Philippines. Conservatives saw KM as being mainly anti-American, and well into the end of the 20th century, there were still many Filipinos who could not understand why anyone could not love Mother America.
As for being makabayan in the sense of patriotism, a love for the Philippines, we remain hobbled by our regional identity (e.G., being Ilokano, Kapamapangan, or other ethnicities) far more powerful and binding than being Filipino.
Filipinos also find themselves increasingly challenged in their loyalties because of our diaspora, being dispersed throughout the world and settling down. With the Philippines allowing dual citizenship, you will find many Filipinos who are nationalistic in the sense of still loving the Philippines because of their origins, while patriotically singing “The Star-Spangled Banner” for the United States or “God Save the King” (until last year, “God Save the Queen”) for the United Kingdom.
I feel what’s important is that we learn to build our nationalism and patriotism without ending up discriminating or even hating people different from ourselves in terms of nations and countries. The world has suffered enough from jingoism (extreme nationalism) and chauvinism (extreme patriotism) mixed with racism and xenophobia (fear of foreigners).
The Philippines is a relatively young country, encumbered by long periods of colonialism. It will take time to build a sense of Filipino, especially when complicated by our other loyalties around ethnicities, languages, and religion.
Might we build our patriotism around that of “home,” defined by the cliché, the home being where the heart is?
mtan@inquirer.Com.Ph
Your subscription could not be saved. Please try again.
Your subscription has been successful.
Read Next
Subscribe to INQUIRER PLUS to get access to The Philippine Daily Inquirer & other 70+ titles, share up to 5 gadgets, listen to the news, download as early as 4am & share articles on social media. Call 896 6000.
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